Hacienda Labadie: A Center for Enslaved Descendant Heritage

Hacienda Labadie, Moca, P.R.

While there are multiple sites and approaches to engaging the past in Puerto Rico, I understand there is no one location that can attest to the variety of experiences that ancestors had as they moved towards freedom. In this excerpt from part 4 of “Reconstructing the Missing Registro de Esclavos for Northwest Puerto Rico”, (Hereditas, 20.2,2024) I consider some of what I learned from attending meetings for different Enslaved Descendant Communities in Virginia to better understand how these gatherings and actions can work in the context of Puerto Rico. It is a privilege to see the work of these amazing groups that preserve the memory of these ancestors while providing access and resources for others who do this work.

Recently, the Municipio de Moca had a questionnaire about what the role of Casa Labadie is, however there was no questions that concerned the past before 1873. This kind of activity would supplement the efforts of the Middle Passage Ceremonies and Port Markers Project and PROPA – Puerto Rican Organization for the Performing Arts.

Enslaved Descendant Communities in the Context of Puerto Rico

At various historical sites today, the many descendants of various enslaved communities are connecting via the pairing of DNA and the digitization of archival materials.  This increased access to digitized documents is happening alongside large-scale efforts to collect, preserve and share these experiences and family histories of enslaved descendants.  When we consider Northwest Puerto Rico as the site of such activity, the locations linked to trafficking span oceans across a myriad of histories and transactions that creates a lacework of relationships. Clearly there is space for commemoration and memorialization of the lives that passed through the process of enslavement to emancipation over hundreds of years. 

Hacienda Labadie, Moca, P.R.
Hacienda Labadie, Moca, PR. Front of main building, Barrio Aceitunas, Moca, P.R. Photo: EFS, 2007

      A potential site for a center for Enslaved Descendant Communities is the Hacienda Labadie in Barrio Aceituna, Moca. Once owned by the Pellot family, it was sold to Pedro Labadie, and to his wife, Cecilia who was formerly enslaved there. The original buildings were of wood and rebuilt in a French architectural style in 1903, as it appears today. The history of enslavement at Hacienda Labadie extends a century earlier, when cultivation began to shift to the production of coffee and sugar.  Before the rise of sugar cultivation, the barrio was made up of the open pastures of military outposts. Just after 1800, the hato located in Barrio Aceitunas of Moca were subdivided and sold, often to the European emigres who arrived under the Real Cedula de Gracias of 1815⁠.[1]  Slavery diversified, and while numbers never approached those of other Caribbean islands, the economic system still relied on enslaved labor. 

The development of Enslaved Descendant Communities can provide advantages for families to research their ancestries at different locations and find ways to commemorate, memorialize and explore what reparations mean for descendants today.   The descendants of people enslaved by James Madison have organized into The Enslaved Descendant Community for Montpelier. Recently, they held a workshop to explore their options for memorialization of their ancestors who labored there. The results intend to recognize those who labored to create the landscape of Montpelier, whether it was those whose skills built the buildings, or those who worked at the big house in a variety of capacities or tended the fields of this plantation. This process offers a means to a fuller and more complex story of the site.

How to Proceed: The Rubric as Model

Fig 22: Cover, Engaging Descendant Communities in the Interpretation of Slavery at Museums and Historic Sites: A Rubric of Best Practices. (2018)

What Montpelier’s Enslaved Descendant Community uses as a blueprint for mapping potential projects together is a document called ‘The Rubric’ short for Engaging Descendant Communities in the Interpretation of Slavery at Museums and Historic Sites: A Rubric of Best Practices. [2] 

The Introduction opens with why this is necessary work: 

“What is the ideal relationship between descendent communities and institutions that interpret slavery? Historically, the relationship between these two groups is complicated: many institutions have avoided interpreting slavery, often from fear of estranging donors or visitors. While these fears are valid, by not interpreting the lives of the enslaved, institutions fail to tell a complete story. This failure perpetuates historical and ongoing trauma to the descendants of those enslaved there, and to anyone whose ancestors were brought to the Americas during the transatlantic slave trade. When institutions shy away from creating relationships with descendants, the failure speaks volumes to the descendant community, especially as these institutions continue to profit from their ancestors’ labor and pain⁠.”[3]

The enslaved people who provided the labor of plantations, farms and surrounding haciendas have had only passing acknowledgement over time — mostly as a class of enslaved workers rather than as a community with a shared experience in slavery. 

By making their participation visible, the historical narrative told can refocus on various aspects such as the law, architecture, even cultural trends that worked to constrain and expand their lives. Part of this shift “goes to the heart of genealogical practice regarding the ways that the families of enslaved people were documented. How do we record those enduring social links that existed despite their designation as mobile forms of property?” As genealogical practice undergoes desegregation, newer methodologies develop that can take advantage of what oral history, community history and DNA can offer.  While some of this activity is taking place online, access to records and a need for training others on working with these document sets is needed so that communities can find their ancestors and ancestral kin.  In turn, this process can continue to generate a better understanding of this past, its generational traumas and its profound resilience. 

Conclusion

My hope is that these initial family narratives show that there are many connections that can be made between the document sets produced through the process of emancipation- registration forms, census, municipal documents, parish records and the Registro Civil. There are some for whom an extensive tree can be constructed, and others, like the newborns inscribed by Laguerre, have no parent listed. Regardless, these documents lend visibility to the strategies and relationships that helped these communities survive. As social beliefs shift, these narratives serve as a confirmation of history and humanity, rather than a framework for a social problem.[14]  A plantation has multiple histories, not simply those of its owners. 

The process of forming Enslaved Descendant Communities in Puerto Rico at historic sites can work as an opportunity for connection and development.  Increasingly, people who are DNA testing are finding matches tied to Puerto Rico and are also seeking these ancestors. The coming years will see an increase in projects such as Enslaved Descendant Communities that combine digitization with archival materials to produce a fuller understanding of a past that connects so many ancestors, beyond the boundaries of Boriken. May we continue to learn their histories, may they rest in peace and power.  


[1]For more on Pellot and the rise of Hacienda Labadie, see Ellen Fernandez-Sacco “Reconstructing the Missing Registro de Esclavos Pt.1”  Hereditas, 20.2, 2019, 68-90. https://www.academia.edu/49048096/Reconstructing_District_3s_Missing_1872_Registro_Central_de_Esclavos_Part_1

[2] The Rubric: Deliverable from the 2018 National Summit on Teaching Slavery. Montpelier Descendants.org  https://montpelierdescendants.org/rubric/

[3] Engaging Descendant Communities in the Interpretation of Slavery at Museums and Historic Sites: A Rubric of Best Practices. https://montpelier-documents.s3.amazonaws.com/Interpreting%20Slavery%2011-12-19.pdf

[4] E. Fernandez-Sacco, “Bound to History: Leoncia Lassalle’s Slave Narrative from Moca, Puerto Rico, 1945.” Genealogy, 2020 4:93, 20. https://www.mdpi.com/2313-5778/4/3/93

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Come Celebrate Juneteenth with The Majani Project in DC!

Flyer for Family 365: a Juneteenth celebration Event

Will you be in Washington DC this Saturday?

This Saturday June 15, The Majani Project is holding Family 365: A Genealogy Block Party to celebrate Juneteenth, National Independence Day. Honoring ancestors is the order of the day!

I’m so excited to say i’m one of the genealogists who’ll be participating in this event. I’ll be zooming in & chatting with Kenyatta Berry, former host of Genealogy Roadshow, LaJoy Mosby, President of AAHGS and guests about how to get started with genealogy– even if you haven’t started before. Let’s get into it!

The indoor/outdoor event happens between 1-5pm at the Episcopal Church of the Atonement, more details below:

About the event: Ties of the Black and Brown communities in DC go deep! Chuck Brown is the father of go-go, but did you know about the music’s Latin influence?  We’re excited to announce a first-ever event in a celebration of similar and shared heritage, history, and identity. Plus—discover how to unlock the secrets of your own ancestry with renowned genealogists LaJoy Mosby, President of AAHGS, Dr. Ellen Fernandez-Sacco, with special guest  Ms. Kenyatta Berry, former co-host of the “Genealogy Roadshow” will also be here!

Verbal Gymnastics is bringing Playback Theatre (where storytelling and art meet community) to the party, so get ready for some amazing and interactive improv! We’ll also have the DC Office of the Medical Examiner onsite to highlight Black and Brown missing persons cases. Learn how genealogy is used to solve crime! So come on out—there’s something for everyone!

Date: Saturday, June 15

Time: 1pm – 5pm

Location: Episcopal Church of the Atonement (5073 East Capitol St SE) and 52nd St SE

Admission: Free and Open to All

Highlights Include:

Live Music: Go-Go, The Lilo Gonzalez Band, and More!

DJ Buddah!

Free Food!

Cultural Performances!

Game Truck!

Giveaways!

 Parking:

Street parking and parking lot at Guiding Light Baptist Church (1 51st St SE)

About The Majani Project:

Organized by the Majani Project, a Black youth-focused genealogy nonprofit located in Ward 7, in collaboration with Genealogy Adventures, the premiere Black online genealogy show, this event aims to introduce youth and adults to genealogy to honor the ancestors, unravel family history mysteries, and connect with your roots. 

Mareas de Memoria: Black History & Genealogy in Puerto Rico: 25 April 2004

Mareas de Memoria event flyer

Come to a series of short presentations and a panel discussion on Black History & Genealogy in Puerto Rico! I’m excited to share in the discussion at this event this afternoon, hosted by Taller Entre Aguas & Black Testimony Project.

Join TEA x BTP on April 25, 2024 from 2pm-4pm EST for a special virtual event titled, Mareas de Memoria: Black Puerto Rican History and Genealogy on Zoom.

Register here: https://msu.zoom.us/webinar/register/WN_uH4EEuZvTWKWkUNAky1dWg#/registration

Guest Speakers:

Dr. Jada Benn Torres

Melanie Maldonado Díaz

Dr. Ellen Fernandez-Sacco

‘El Registro de Esclavos’: An archive you need to know’ at the 44th Annual AAHGS Conference

presentation title card

Taiguei (Greetings)!

This has turned out to be a busy month! I finished my last article for the series on “Reconstructing Missing Volume of the Registro Central de Esclavos, pt 4” for the forthcoming volume 24 of Hereditas: Revista de la Sociedad Puertorriquena de Genealogia. I hope to submit “Looking for Lorenzo Ubiles, Alcalde de barrio Humacao 1873.” for the AAHGS Journal shortly.

I’m happy to announce that on Thursday October 19, 1:30 PM-2:30 EST, I’ll be presenting “El Registro de Esclavos: An archive you need to know”, at “Hidden in Plain Sight: Recovering the erased stories of our ancestors in the United States and the Caribbean”, the 44th Annual 2023 AAHGS Virtual Conference. Excited to be among so many great presentations & presenters that includes friends & family from Black ProGen Live! Sessions will be available until Dec 31.

EFS El Registro de Esclavos An archive you need to know, title card for presentation

Here’s the description: The process of emancipation in Puerto Rico formally began in 1868, with the registration of over 30,000 enslaved persons using cedulas, small registration forms 6 x 8” in size. The information on these forms were copied to create the volumes of the Registro de Esclavos, issued in 1872. FamilySearch microfilmed two series of these documents from the enormous collection of Gobiernos Españoles collection. These are now searchable on the FamilySearch site as “Puerto Rico Slave Registers, 1863-1879”. These entries shed light on the identities of people as they transitioned to freedom just fifteen years before the establishment of the Registro Civil (Civil Registration) in 1885 and the formal end of slavery in 1886. The information covers name, origin, parents, partner, children, enslaver, physical details and issues around the purchase of freedom, manumission, or even the death of the person listed. The ages range from days old to persons in their 80s. These documents are useful for identifying family members and confirming their identities and locations pre-1885, and who may not appear in the 1910 census. Recently digitized archives on the Archivo Digital Nacional de Puerto Rico (ADNPR.net) that overlap with the information in the Registro de Esclavos will be covered. This work is a contribution to the ancestors, to help bridge them with their descendants.

Neumann Gandia’s Resena Historica… de Moca (1910)

Cover of pamphlet by Neumann Gandia on Moca
Cover of Eduardo Neumann Gandia's Resena historica sobre la fundación y crecimiento del municipio de Moca (1910)

Two decades ago, I was in the Special Collections of U InterAmericana looking at their Herman Reichard Collection, where I photographed historian Eduardo Neumann Gandia’s Resena historica sobre la fundacion y crecimiento del municipio de Moca of 1910. Despite the homemade cover, this was one publication of at least two tracts by Neumann Gandia that served to circulate a brief history of a municipality.

Eduardo Neumann Gandia (1852-1913)

It’s a brief 11 pages, taken from a larger work as can be seen from the numbered pages 79-90. There’s no mention of what the original text was. Nor do can we tell the entire volume was by a single author, or if it was a collection that includes multiple municipalities. He published his two volumes of Benefactores y hombres notables de Puerto-Rico: bocetos biográficos-críticos con un estudio sobre nuestros gobernadores generales, in 1896 and 1899, which contained mini-biographies of figures in government and business.

Herman Reichard Esteves (1910-2005), who preserved this pamphlet and other archival materials, was a librarian and professor based in Aguadilla. He was an avid genealogist whose work continues to inform many today, and which Dra. Haydee Reichard is making available through the Archivo Digital Nacional de Puerto Rico ADNPR.net. I made photographs of Neumann Gandia’s work, and (over 110 years later) ran it through an OCR program to make a PDF from the images.

You can download the pamphlet from the link at the bottom of the page.

1972: Historia de Moca 1772-1972

This text was the basis for the 1972 bicentennial publication, Historia de Moca 1772-1972, produced by Sociedad Civico-Cultural Pro-Conmemoracion del Bicentenario de Moca, Inc. Published by the Dept de Instruccion Publica, Estado Libre Associado de Puerto Rico, both organizations spoke to a particular moment of identification on local and state level, and a recognition of a shared history that extends to the eighteenth century.

There is no mention of the fact that Moca is an indigenous name, nor of any survival in these pages. Additional information builds out Neumann Gandia’s brief history and benefits from photographs of the location and personages, as for the biography of the educator Adolfo Emeterio Babilonia Quinones (1841-1884). He married into the Yturrino family, whom i’ve written of in a previous post.

Cover, Historia de Moca 1772-1972.

Cover, Historia de Moca 1772-1972. Edición bicentenario. Collection of the author.

Cultural Memory, ancestors & what gets overlooked…

The purpose of Neumann Gandia’s text and its later iterations was on the importance of a cultural memory. These local histories can be crucial for creating the microhistories of our ancestors on different parts of the island. This is not the same as a building a romanticized story of the past. Instead the intent is to write to reflect the struggle to live, have families or not, to stay or to go, to become part of groups that yielded forms of support, or produced a variety of creative expressions.

The 1972 book devoted two pages to mentions of enslavement: La Esclavitud Negra:(breves anotaciones) en Moca. There are a couple of paragraphs detailing the presence of enslaved people in Moca since its founding. Quoted is the 1945 interview by Luis M. Diaz Soler in Historia de la esclavitud negra en Puerto Rico. This excerpt acknowledges the experiences of Leoncia Lasalle and her daughter Juana Rodriguez Lasalle under bondage. Looking back at Resena, for early Puerto Rico, Neumann Gandia simply elides the topic (save for the statistics) yet the system of enslavement permeates the economic activity of the era he describes, the 1840s on.

description of Moca

Neumann Gandia, Resena historica de sobre la fundacion y crecimiento del municipio de Moca Page 82

Neumann Gandia’s Moca of the 1840s, p.82

“…Así se vivía en aquella época patriarcal y primitiva desprovista de ideales, aspiraciones y huérfana de comodidades, donde no habia a sola escuela en todo el partido. Pocos sabían leer y menos escribir, pero había suma honradez en las compra-ventas y contratos. Se vivía como en familia y las viandas que faltaban en una casa se suministraban por los vecinos reciprocamente. Los compadres se estimaban como si fuesen hermanos, y todos los habitantes del partido se estimaban entre si con gran afecto y consideraciones. No existían escrituras públicas y según cuenta la tradición oral que se ha trasmitido hasta nuestros días, de padres á hijos al finalizar los contratos bervales, se arrancaban mútuamente un cabello de la cabeza, en señal de su cumplimiento, y rara vez, ó casi nunca, dejaban de llevarse á cabo sus pactos los cuales cumplían con religiosidad. Pocas demandas ó ningunas se interponían y eran raros los asesinatos y desconocidos por completo el robo y el pillaje en esta comarca, así como en toda la isla. Eran estos vecinos muy católicos y a veces muy superticiosos. A la entrada de sus casas ó en los bateyes de las mismas, levantaban el signo de redención, ó sea cruces de madera, y rezaban diariamente el rosario, como su oración favorita. vestían con camisa de listado, pantalón de coleta y sombrero de paja, é iban enteramente descalzos. Sobre todo, sentían gran placer por los bailes fandan-gos, celebrando muchas fiestas por Navidad, Año Nuevo y Reyes, que duraban semanas enteras y distribuían pasteles, almojábanas, alfajores, majarete, manjar blanco, mundo nuevo y otros dulces criollos, así como licores y refrescos á la gente que á ellas concurrian. El carácter alegre y jovial de los pobladores, originarios, los más, del medio día de España, prevalecía entre estos vecinos.“

“That is how life was in that patriarchal and primitive time devoid of ideals, aspirations and orphaned of accommodation, where there was not a single school in the entire region Few knew how to read and even less how to write, but there was honesty in sales and contracts. One lived as family and the vegetables that one household lacked was taken care of by the locals reciprocity. Godfathers treated each other as if they were brothers, and all the inhabitants of the area regarded each other with great affection and considerations. There were no public documents and after oral tradition that has been transmitted to the present, of fathers and sons finalizing their verbal contracts, each would pull a hair from the other’s head as a sign of fulfillment, and rarely, or almost never, left from taking to completion their pacts, which they accomplished religiously. Few demands or none were and rarely were there murders or unknowns who robbed and pillaged in this county as in the rest of the island. These inhabitants were very Catholic and very superstitious. At the entry of their homes or in the bateyes of the same, they raised the sign of redemption, that is to say, wooden crosses and daily recited the rosary as their favorite prayer. They dressed with striped shirts, canvas pants , a straw hat and went entirely barefoot. Above all they were greatly pleased by the fandango dances, celebrated many parties through Christmas, New Years and All Kings Day, that lasted entire weeks, and distributed pasteles, “almojábanas, alfajores, majarete, manjar blanco, mundo nuevo” and other local sweets, along with liquor and refreshments to those to whom they agreed with. The happy and jovial character of the original founders, more from the middle age of Spain prevails among these locals…”

Neumann Gandia lays out a different world for the early nineteenth century. His was not an inclusive history, and the only cultural source recognized is European. AfroIndigenous or African cultural survivals or influences are not mentioned. This was instead a peasant society composed of a superstitious and illiterate populace prone to violence, whose ‘happy character’ is simply an expression of early Spanish culture. Look at those numbers though on p.82. Taking the categories of free and unfree together, the 2,299 BIPOC population is significant yet has no role in the historical scenario he sketched above.

The fact is that the island was a process of settler colonial society, with a system that required violence and the use of force to control the enslaved and sharecroppers ‘of various colors’ within a stratified society. Born in 1852, slavery shaped Neumann Gandia’s world. Freedpeople were very much around in 1910, and the process of emancipation terminated in 1886. Also interesting is that Neumann Gandia’s collection of Taino bird effigy bowls was purchased by Jesse Walter Fewkes. This remains for us to discuss in understanding our ancestors lives today and their world.

The best history of Moca is Antonio Nieves Morales’ Moca 1772-2000: Historia de un pueblo (Lulu.com, 2008). Nieves Mendez’ work is groundbreaking as a full history, one that includes tables listing enslavers and the enslaved, and his own connection to this past, via his family history.

Miguel A. Babilonia Talavera, Alcalde de Moca

Lost is the original cover and the introduction to the section on Moca, a message by the mayor, Miguel A. Babilonia Talavera (1867-1947) who became Alcalde in 1899, and again from 1905-1910. He is my great uncle, brother to my great grandfather Ambrosio Alcides Babilonia Talavera (1860-1951), who I knew from my mother’s recollections of her childhood there.

He served as mayor after the annexation of Moca from Aguadilla took place in 1905. On pages 50-51, the 1972 Historia de Moca volume reproduces part of page 79 from the Neumann Gandia pamphlet as “Don Miguel A. Babilonia se despide de sus conciudadanos” written in December 1910.

Pedro Miguel Antonio Babilonia Talavera (1867-1947)

I want to express my deep thanks to all the members of the Babilonia family and their descendants, and members of SAMocanos for sharing their information and photographs with me over the years. I especially want to thank my cousin Gaspar Babilonia, for sharing his collection of his grandfather’s photographs.

Now digitized images of ancestors and their communities populate a variety of places on social media, another way that descendants can connect to their past. Neumann Gandia’s work is but one expression of this from over a century ago.

You can download a copy here: Eduardo Neumann Gandia’s Resena Historica de Moca

A Woman of Endurance, a novel by Dahlma Llanos-Figueroa

Dust jacket for A Woman of Endurance

In working with the histories of enslaved ancestors, one comes to the questions of survival and resilience in the face of all that bondage could entail. The mid-nineteenth century world of a rural hacienda in Puerto Rico where a young African woman is enslaved, is recreated in the pages of Dalma Llanos Figueroa’s 2022 novel, A Woman of Endurance.

It is an incredibly moving book that takes one through moments in her life, the episodes of violence and trauma, of learning, caretaking and trusting in a world hostile to recognizing the full humanity of the labor that built it. There is the potential for violence at every turn.

We glimpse the lives of the women who are working for the big house in different capacities, and Pola makes a transition from working the fields to the sewing room. This and other events ripple through the groups whose lives are not under their own control. Through the figure of Pola, there is healing. Community and love, however vulnerable it may make a situation, is what helps one survive.

The story of Pola takes us through an experience that replicates the experiences of many enslaved women. In Yorubaland, West Africa in 1831, Keera, a very young woman comes to know of her power from her mother. After surviving the Middle Passage and assaults, we come to know her as Pola, with this brief glimpse of life before capture and enslavement in a flashback. The vision comes while she recovers in another hacienda.

Llanos-Figueroa recreates this world vividly, with descriptions of situations that do not shy from the violence of losing children, or finding love and understanding in the middle of a forced labor camp.

Note the cover art, a woman in a silk dress with a pattern on her back that echos the pattern of scars on the back of a painting of Gordon, who served as a Sargent in the Louisiana Native Guards during the Civil War. The painting is based on the cabinet card photo where he reveals his back, and the arrangement of painting, flowers, beads and symbols suggest this is an altar that honors Gordon’s experiences as an ancestor. The fabric of a life.

This is one of the most incredible novels i’ve read, and on my list of key texts for our times.

Available in Spanish as Indomitable. Amistad Publishing.

You can visit the author’s website here: https://www.dahlmallanosfigueroa.com where there are excerpts of the novel available in Spanish & English so you can check it out.

People & Property: Enslaved Ancestors sold by Rafael del Valle to Jose Genaro del Valle, Barrio Malezas, Aguadilla, 1854

foto shows landscape with houses and bay of Aguadilla in 1898
foto shows landscape with houses and bay of Aguadilla in 1898
View of Aguadilla, 1898, from Murat Halstead, Full Official HIstory of the War with Spain: The True Inwardness of the War. [HL Barber, 1898]

Slavery was a Family Business

Right now i’m looking over this entry for a property sale Aguadilla from February 1854⁠1. It’s a lock, stock and barrel sale between first cousins, and the order of importance for the details enumerated is very telling.

It begins with the layout of land in Barrio Malezas, Aguadilla, a 180 cuerda (174.6 acres) property, alongside several other plantation owners. D. Rafael del Valle y Ponce is selling this estate to his first cousin, D Jose Genaro del Valle y Arce. I have distant ties to these families, with Rafael del Valle being my 1C5R and Jose Genaro del Valle my 2C4R.  They were close and the relationship chart below outlines the cousin relationship between both men. Note that Rafael was also related to Jose Genaro’s mother, however, this set of relationships (via the Ponce line) is not included here.

Relationship chart for the del Valle cousins, E. Fernandez-Sacco, Reunion 13, 2022.

Rafael’s father, Nicolas del Valle y Perez de Arce served as Alcalde (Mayor) of Aguadilla three different times, in 1814, 1820-21 and in 1836. Rafael was one of his eight children with Eugenia II Ponce y Perez de Arce (b. abt. 1781).

Rafael’s cousin, Jose Genaro del Valle y Arce (bca 1819) was the son of Antonio del Valle y Perez de Arce (b.1783) and Maria Gregoria de Arce Ponce (1792-1842).

Jose Genaro’s father Antonio, served as Alcalde of Aguadilla just once, in 1837. Clearly, this family possessed a degree of political clout in the municipality. In addition, by having this sale occur within the family, they kept their wealth. As a business practice, endogamy helped to insure trust in partnerships at a time before banks existed on Puerto Rico.

An Arrangement

In January 1853, both Rafael del Valle and Jose Genaro del Valle went before the notary to record an arrangement that gave Jose Genaro del Valle the power to administer the cattle ranch in Barrio Malezas, including the enslaved persons, the animals there, and a house in town. By 11 February 1854, the situation had changed. Rafael’s contract which paid 400 pesos yearly to Jose Genaro, as he points out in the document, was now rescinded⁠3. Next on that same day, the sale of the property from Rafael del Valle to Jose Genaro del Valle was recorded. Jose Genaro del Valle was the new owner.

The Sale

The property transfer is just a few paragraphs long. Laid out are the names of the other property owners: Antonio Almeida & d. Manuel Badillo on the south along the Royal road of the mountain,  on the east with  Da. Rosa de Santiago and the Royal road that goes by the front to d. Patricio González, and on the west side, with Da.María Ponce and Da.Josefa Mirle. Wives could also own, manage businesses and inherit property independently of their husbands.  Each person ran their own hacienda or estancia that included enslaved ancestors.

Maria Ponce is most likely Maria Eugenia II Ponce y Perez, wife of Nicolas del Valle; Josefa Mirle is Josefa Mirle Gonzalez, wife of Francisco Almeida of Portugal. The baptism record for their daughter Manuela Almeida Mirle of 1817 mentions that she was born in Maleza Alta⁠4, which helps localize the family in a specific barrio. Both the Ponce and Mirle families, like the del Valle, held larger numbers of enslaved people to work their ranches, farms and plantations. 

The Valle plantation held some 100 head of cattle, 6 horses and two mares with foals. After the animals were enumerated in the deed, nineteen people held in bondage were listed.  The price for the estate was 14,000 pesos macuquina with 2,700 pesos of the total owed to Eugenio Alers, a hacendado who was building his holdings between Aguadilla and Isabela and lending money mid-century to property owners in the area.

Values for the nineteen enslaved persons, which may include at least two clusters of family, were not specified. Two persons on the list survived the Middle Passage, and another was from Costa Firme, Venezuela, pointing to the global connections of these transactions.  The rest were criollos, born in Puerto Rico; there were ten male and nine females of different ages, three of them too young to work. They were termed ‘siervos esclavos‘, enslaved servants, perhaps more concerned with running a household and raising livestock. There is no mention of specific duties in the deed.

Aside from two 40 year old men, these ancestors were young, and perhaps some of them made it into the pages of the Registro Civil. If they did, it seems unlikely they used their former enslaver’s surname after freedom.

Say Their Names

Here are the names, ages and approximate dates of birth for these ancestors in Aguadilla in February 1854. 

I plan to look back to records from 1822 and then to the cedulas of 1868-70 of the Registro de Esclavos to see if any of these ancestors remained under the control of del Valle family members. Hopefully there is more to learn about them. 

Related:

For a background on the history of Aguadilla and another sale see “Stories in a Box: Caja 1289, Slavery and the Hernandez Family.”, 13 Feb 2018: https://latinogenealogyandbeyond.com/blog/tag/aguadilla/

References

1 Haydee E. Reichard de Cardona, Haciendas agrícolas del triángulo noroeste de Puerto Rico, sus dueños e historias. Jose A Amador Acosta, Ed. Editorial HER Historias y Escritos Riquenos, 2020.

2Carlos Encarnacion Navarro, Fondo de Protocolos Notariales, Caja 1289, Serie Aguadilla, Pueblo Aguadilla, Escribano Lcdo. Manuel Garcia, 1854. AGPR.  En Aguadilla 2-11-1854 fol.74 a 76 ante el insfrascripto escribano Real y público y testigos que se   expresaran compareció D.Rafael del Valle de este vecindario y dijo que otorga venta Real y absoluta a favor de  D.José Genaro del Valle también vecino una estancia en esta juridicción en el barrio de Malezas compuesta de 180 cuerdas colindantes al norte con Antonio Almeida y D.Manuel Badillo, por el sur con el camino Real de la montaña, al este con  Da.Rosa de Santiago y el camino Real que pasa por   el frente a D.Patricio González, al este con Da.María Ponce y Da.Josefa Mirle incluidas las plantaciones en ellas, 100 cabezas  de ganado,6 caballos,2 yeguas con crías y los siervos esclavos Luis natural de áfrica de 30 años,Juana María de 25 años y su hija de un año,Tomasa de 40 años, Luisa de 25 años, Carmen de 25 años con una hija de un año,Demetrio de 12 años, Hermenegildo de 16 años,Paulina de   61   30 años, José de 20 años, José María de 40 años,Tomás de 40 años,Tomasa de 30 años,Antonio de 12 años, Juan José de 16 años,Isabel de 2 años,Manuel natural de costa firme  de 4 años,Andrés de 25 años natural de áfrica, una casa de madera y tejemani en la calle principal de este partido con solar de 16 varas de frente colindante al norte con Da.Paula Giménez, por el sur con el comprador, al oeste la calle y al este con otro solar del mismo comprador cuyos bienes le pertenecen por compra hecha a D.José Genaro del Valle según escritura otorgada en Enero 12 de 1853 por la cantidad de 14,000 pesos maququinos y 2,700 pesos quedan en poder del comprador hasta satisfacer la cantidad que el mismo adeuda a D.Eugenio Alers a cuya responsabilidad está gravada la estancia.Fueron testigos D.Ricardo Diez, D.José Trinidad Veray D.Ramón Esteban Martínez. 

3 Carlos Encarnacion Navarro, Fondo de Protocolos Notariales, Caja 1289, Serie Aguadilla, Pueblo Aguadilla, Escribano Lcdo. Manuel Garcia, AGPR fol.78 a 78-v, 11 Feb 1854.  En Aguadilla 2-11-1854 fol.78 a 78-v  ante el insfrascripto escribano Real y público y testigos que se expresaran comparecieron D.Rafael del Valle y D.José Genaro del Valle de este vecindad y dijeron que en Enero 12 de 1853 concedio el primero al segundo poder para administrar la estancia que tenía en el barrio de Malezas de esta juridicción, los esclavos y animales que tenía y una casa en este pueblo señalándole el salario de 400 pesos anuales y rescinden dicho contrato. Fueron testigos D.Ricardo Diez,D.Rafael Esteban Martínez y D.Francisco de Paula Vergara.

4 Acta de Bautismo, Manuela Almeida Mirle, APSCB Libro 5 #944,17 June 1817.

Gente 1868-1872: Enslaved persons held by Felipe Yturrino y Arzua

1893 Map of Cerro Gordo, Anasco

Events on the way to freedom

In my recent blog post Yturrino: Looking at a collateral line, I had questions about what kind of business Felipe Iturrino Arzua (1811 -1894) of Anasco was in. While I was able to follow some notary documents that described a  string of land purchases in different municipalities, it really wasn’t clear what he had invested in. 

These land purchases now make more sense after finding him listed in the 1872 Registro de Esclavos.  Yvonne Santana Rios’ transcription of Anasco and Cabo Rojo portions of the 1872 volume led me back to searching the FamilySearch database ‘Slave Registers, Puerto Rico, 1863  – 1879 ‘. I still have no name for the hacienda that these individuals worked, and know more or less where it was located, in barrio Cerro Gordo, Anasco. Yturrino and his family lived in barrio Corcobada to the east of Cerro Gordo, and later in a house in barrio Pueblo.

Anasco, Puerto Rico. Barrio Cerro Gordo is where formerly enslaved by Yturrino lived; he & his family lived in Barrio Corcobada.

In barrio Cerro Gordo, Anasco, Yturrino enslaved over 20 people, whose cedulas are receipts for the transfer of ownership from the individual slave holders to the colonial government, and they received 120 pesetas per document. The status change to libertos (freedmen or freedwomen) meant rights were established over time.

According to the terms of the Moret Law, these men, women and children entered a contract to work for their former enslavers or for a different plantation owner. They received no pay, but their freedom at the end of three years. For the youngest, this process of manumission lasted until 1886.

Labor: de Esclava/o a Liberta/o

There were a range of tasks, however few were dependent on women becoming domestics in elite households, or took in laundry, or were dress makers. The majority of enslaved women worked as Labradoras, field laborers alongside men. This ran contrary to the ideal of an enslaved person that circulated in prints and paintings, often depicted as male. Men worked as cooks, carpenters and mostly as field laborers in the sugar centrales that grew after the Spanish American war, and women’s labor shifted to the domestic.

While the categories for labor in the documents for the Registro de Esclavos are few, these do not give a precise idea of the range of tasks that a person had, nor how expert they had become. Cerro Gordo was elevated land, better suited for coffee cultivation, and this is likely the crop that Yturrino’s enslaved workers were raising. Given the patterns of inheritance, there is a high probability that the Hacienda de Iturrino in the 1893 Military Map for Anasco to San Sebastian is the same location as in 1870, situated near the streams in the hills that ran between Anasco and Moca.

Location: Hacienda de Iturrino, Barrio Cerro Gordo, Anasco. Mapa Militar, Itinerario de Añasco a San Sebastián, 1893. ADNPR

Say Their Names: Enslaved families, children, locations

Below is a list of 20 persons listed on cedulas from 1868 on which D. Felipe Yturrino y Arzua appears as dueno (owner). The oldest was Agustin an 80 year old man born in Africa; the youngest was 2 year old Josefa, born in Cerro Gordo, one of the children of Evangelista and Vicenta. Nearly half of those enslaved were children.

The few families I could trace to the Registro Civil opted to take a different surname; not one kept Iturrino as a surname. Some moved to Mayaguez in the years that followed. With the collapse of coffee prices after the 1870s, sugar plantations soon dominated the landscape.

Should these names be familiar to you, please feel free to reach out.

FolioNameAgeParentsOriginimage no.Link
7465Josefa2Evangelista & VicentaP.R.2773https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C3QX-V?i=2772&cc=3755445
7462Ceverino6Evangelista & VicentaP.R.2770https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C34X-W?i=2769&cc=3755445
7464Paula6Evaristo & EduvigesP.R.2772https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C34J-M?i=2771&cc=3755445
7454Amelia7Ma. Luisa 2aP.R. 2762https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C347-G?i=2761&cc=3755445
7463Salustiano7P.R. 2771https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C37C-K?i=2770&cc=3755445
7466Francisco7VicentaP.R.2774https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C3Q5-B?i=2773&cc=3755445
7452Maria 8Ma. LuisaP.R.2769https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C3QC-T?cc=3755445&personaUrl=%2Fark%3A%2F61903%2F1%3A1%3A6ZGF-WYNJ
7461Antonio9EduvigesP.R.2769https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C34Y-C?i=2768&cc=3755445
7451Maria Francisca19Antonio & Ma. Luisa 1aP.R.2760https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C3QK-L?i=2758&cc=3755445
7457Jose Domingo19Ma. YnesP.R. 2759https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C3QQ-8?i=2764&cc=3755445
7448Maria Luisa 2a24Antonio & Ma. Luisa 1a. P.R.2756https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C34P-C?i=2756&cc=3755445
7449Maria de los Angeles26Simon & NarcisaP.R.2757https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C346-5?i=2760&cc=3755445
7453Vicenta28–Santo Domingo2761https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C37C-W?=2762&cc=3755445
7455Eduviges32Jose Maria & CatalinaP.R.2754https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C3WW-Y?i=2753&cc=3755445
7447Ceferina32GenaraP.R.2763
https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C37K-W?i=2757&cc=3755445
7450Saturnino38–Africa2758https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C37K-W?i=2757&cc=3755445
7447Maria Luisa 1a42JovitaP.R.2755https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C34Y-7?i=2754&cc=3755445
7456Mariano43Ma. ReyesP.R. 2764https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C3WH-T?i=2763&cc=3755445
7458Evaristo45Mateo & JuanaP.R.2766https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C34M-P?i=2765&cc=3755445
7459Evangelista50Mateo & JuanaP.R.2767https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C34T-3?i=2766&cc=3755445
7460Agustin 80–Africa2768https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSK3-C373-3?i=2767&cc=3755445
FolioNombreEdadHijo deOrigenNo. ImagenLink
Persons Enslaved by Felipe Yturrino, Barrio Cerro Gordo, Anasco, 14 October 1868. Caja 2, Registro de Esclavos, AGPR, Gob. Españoles, FS Film 008138868

Finding Juan Jose Carrillo: An African Ancestor

1734 map of West Africa
A New Map of That Part of Africa Called the Coast of Guinea. William Snellgrave, 1734. British Library, https://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/carviews/a/022zzz000279e26u00mapi00.html

Juan Jose Carrillo & Antonia Maria Figueredo Santana: 6th GGPs

I’m still reeling. This was a momentous week in more ways than one. Recently I was compiling a list of African ancestors from the 1870 cedulas, and my cousin Miguel Valentin forwarded some links on FamilySearch for Carrillos in case they might connect.

Then I saw Liza Ceballos’s post on Facebook on Carrillo and in her search on my Carrillo cluster, she collected a couple of posts that happened to be on my line. I couldn’t believe it, my ancestor Simon Carrillo had siblings and now, the names of his parents were in those baptisms. Although I suspected that this line would be the most likely to have a connection to Africa, my DNA percentages were low, and I wondered if i’d ever have a location.

With the name Juan Josef/ Juan Joseph/ Juan Jose Carrillo, I began my search and there was his death certificate– and I was floored. Above is William Snellgrave’s 1734 map of the region of Guinea that my 6th Great Grandfather was taken from made near the time he was born. To have a location identified is so rare, and unexpected since in his children’s records he and his wife are described as ‘morenos libres‘ literally ‘free blacks’.

A Free man, a soldier in the Militia, a landowner and farmer in Rio Piedras with a wife and thirteen children. So many questions, so much joy at finding this cluster of family.

Juan Joseph Carrillo (1736-1810), Acta de defuncion, 3 Mar 1810, Nuestra Señora del Pilar, Rio Piedras. FS.org https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:6ZTL-QH8H

En este pueblo de Nuestra Señora del Pilar y en Gloria de San Juan Nepomuceno de Río Piedras a tres de marzo de mil ochocientos y diez años Yo el Beneficiado Don Manuel Marcelino Martínez Cepeda, Presbítero Cura Rector de él por Real Patronato de cepultura eclesiástico en el cementerio de esta Yglesia e hize los oficios de entierro doble con el []lia y misa cantadas al cadaver de Juan José Carrillo mis feligreses, natural de Guinea de edad de sesenta y cuatro años poco más o menos, negro libre y soldado cumplido de la Primera Compañía de Milicias Disciplinadas de Infantería que en común de Nuestra Santa Señora madre yglesia murió en su propia estancia Citio de los Ranchos de mi jurisdicción. Donde administran los santos sacraméntales de penetencia en [  ] y extrema unción: otorgó su testamento a estilo militar el diez de febrero del presente año, por ante Dn Francisco Roman subteniente del Regimiento de Milicias Urbanas de esta Ysla en la Compañía de Guaynabo de mancomún con la esposa el cual dispone su entierro de modo dicho con cuatro acompañados, mandado se celebran ocho misas resadas por su alma y las de purgatorio a nuestra señora del Rosario y del Carmen con tres más que fuera del su testamento en cargo de su hijo Joseph Vicente. Declaró había casado y velado en infacie eccles, con María Antonia de Figueredo, morena libre de este matrimonio deja trece hijos nombrados Simón, Juana Hilaria, Ysabel María, María Magdalena, José Vicente, Miguel, Cacimira, Ambrosía, Félix, Theodora, Roberto, Víctorio y Juan a quienes instituyó por ser legítimos herederos y por sus Albaceas su hijo y Victorio Marín su yerno de que doy fe. 

Manuel Martínez Cepeda

In this town of Our Lady of Pilar and Glory of Juan Nepomuceno de Rio Piedras on the 3rd of March one thousand eight hundred and ten years I the Incumbent Don Manuel Marcelino Martínez Cepeda, Priest Rector for him by Royal Patronage for ecclesiastic burial in the cemetery of this Church and made double burial services with the [ ] and sung masses for the cadaver of Juan Jose Carrillo of my parish, natural of Guinea of the age of sixty four years more or less, free Black and soldier of the First Company of Disciplined Militias of Infantry. that in common with Our Sacred Mother Church died on his proper farm Place of the Ranches under my jurisdiccion. Where was administered the Holy Sacraments of Penitence and Extreme Unction: He gave his will in military style the tenth of February of this year, before Don Francisco Roman sublieutenant of the Regiment of Urban Milicias of this Island in the Company of Guaynabo jointly with his wife who arranged his burial so said with four accompanying. mandated that eight prayed masses for his soul and for purgatory to Our Lady of the Rosary and of Carmen with three more besides that of his will in charge of his son Joseph Vicente. Declares having married and veiled in presence of the congregation with Maria Antonia de Figuredo, free brown woman: of this marriage leaves thirteen children named Simón, Juana Hilaria, Ysabel María, María Magdalena, José Vicente, Miguel, Cacimira, Ambrosía, Félix, Theodora, Roberto, Víctorio y Juan to whom he instituted as his legitimate heirs and for his Executors, his son and Victorio Marin his son in law that I bear witness. 

Manuel Martinez Cepeda

Family Tree of Juan Jose Carrillo & Antonia Maria Figueredo Santana

7th GGPs: Francisco Figueredo & Ana Santana

Antonia Maria Figueredo Santana dies at the age of 100 years in San Juan in 1830. Born about 1730, her parents are Francisco Figueredo and Ana Santana. I’m still researching and it seems she had at least one half sibling. Francisco gained his freedom sometime between 1711 and 1713. Records are fragmentary and i’m searching for more information.

For all the damaged and lost records I have seen for Puerto Rico, it is a miracle to learn their names. I want to thank all those who make the search easier, and possible via transcriptions & indexes- Yvonne Santana Rios, Yvette Izquierdo, distributed by Anna Bayala on her site Genealogia Nuestra, FS, the sharing of information in Facebook groups and list-serves, the DNA matches that come to be friends and family. There will be more to come…

You can read about how I traced my 5th GGPs which helped me get to this point: via their son Simon Carrillo and his wife Josefa Santiago Diaz: The Many Names of Telesforo Carrillo

Calling the Ancestors

On the trail of compassion and wonder: a meditation

Lately, I’ve been pondering how a broader historical framework for the genealogies and family histories can make displacement visible, particularly for identities shaped by the experiences of diaspora and migration.

Shouldn’t we ask questions about how beginnings are constructed? What’s the significance of an origin story? Who gets to tell about the dawning of a deeper historical consciousness among people? For whom does this story matter? Stories are containers for memory, with purpose.

I want to speak to the depth of this experience not because this perspective grants a sense of ‘survival beyond the odds’, but because when one listens to the bits of histories encoded in our stories and in the genes of our ancestors, these experiences can instill both compassion and wonder.  

In turn, compassion and wonder feeds the hope of survival, can enable sympathy, free suppressed identities, and through this recognition, foster social change. Our family histories contain worlds within them and perhaps answers that can help us heal in the present. 

2.
So, how best to convey and define this complexity? There are so many questions to consider when pondering how to proceed.  How can we locate and embrace the foundations created by Indigenous ancestors who kept a particular world view embedded in how they lived? Who can guide us on this journey? How do we come to terms when we discover our enslaved ancestors? Of those who were enslavers? 
Our task is to quilt together the narratives of survival and remember those that came before us.

These ancestries, family histories and narratives are more visible today thanks to technologies of social media and the regeneration of concepts out of these deeper pasts. But more needs to be done to  unfold the hidden margins of these narratives and reveal nodes of connections- location, place, time so that you becomes we. We are a constellation of microhistories. 

3.
For many Puerto Ricans / Borincanos / Tainos who identify as the descendants of pre-European Boriken, already a blend of Native and African peoples, there is a growing recognition of self and community that stands in relief to a backdrop of colonization. 
Indigenous identity is long denied because many grew up hearing the stories of extinction, then some deemed it an impossibility because it was not 100%. What happened however is Taino people were not gone, not frozen in time and continue to incorporate change in the present. There’s a culture and the question of language, which doesn’t negate a continued presence. This identity undergoes acknowledgement and recognition both on and off the island with the situation exacerbated by the pandemic. There’s a level of acknowledgment rather than a challenge, and communities that confirm continuity, a slow shift over the decades.  Growth and regeneration continues.

4.
There’s extraction as a process constantly  mobilized by different interests across time. Key to destroying the landscape is forgetting our fundamental interconnectedness from the seemingly inert to overtly active lifeforms. One prays for a respite from the machine of capital, from the desire for gold that threatens El Yunque, a tropical rainforest and sacred space for the Taino people.  The land everywhere needs to heal and needs its stewards.
Historically, assimilation was the order of the day in policy imposed on Puerto Rico, an echo of how the U.S. dealt with the nations contained within its own borders. Assimilation is an old multifaceted story whose journeys can cost us the past, its details trapped in bits of oral history.  What are we remembering? What do our ancestors tell us today?

5.
The backdrop of change is a constant. It goes from enslavement to industrialization to a globalization that traps and impoverishes many. Today one can begin to lay claim to this heritage while gaining visibility with less certainty of disenfranchisement. And because of technology, we can make connections with others that increases our chances of survival through the progressively larger gatherings that take place  across the country. 
This connection can be an antidote for the historical amnesia that fades with accountability and the remembrance of survival. Can knowledge stop trafficking? Can memory heal? To receive and share their stories, heal and connect is a blessing. What lessons come from the worlds our ancestors inhabited?  How are you we?

Seneko kakona (Abundant blessings)

Areito, Concilio Guatu-Maku a Boriken, Moca, 25 Nov 2005. Photo; E. Fernandez-Sacco
Courtesy: Martin Veguilla.